DEBATE ON ARCHAISM OF SOME SELECT BANGANI WORDS
Anvita Abbi
Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi, India
ABSTRACT
An old debate on Bangani being related to Kentum group of languages or not (Zoller 1988, 1989, 1993, Beekes 1995 and van Driem and Sharma 1996) is worth investigating into the lexicon, specially those words that belong to the 'basic word list' known to be typically most resistant to change. The author conducted a couple of field trips personally to investigate the phenomenon. The paper discusses the results of this investigation.
As RUKI rule is claimed to be inoperative in many Bangani words, the author has investigated, among others, words that should have gone through the Rule but do not. The author, surprisingly, confirms the existence of most, if not all, the words listed in Zoller (1988) with specified meanings. Some semantic variations was noticed though not totally disturbing the original thesis. It is observed that near total multilingualism due to language contact with Himachali and Hindi, (the languages of the vicinity) at times, motivatesinformants to oscillate between one form and other. The paper is descriptive and not historical in nature and thus avoids to attempt to establish the archaism of the disputed words. At best, it expresses the multilayered lexicon of the language indicative of long and stable multilingual communities in close contact.
The region of Bangan is situated on the western-most tip of Garhwal, Uttar Pradesh, bordering Himachal Pradesh on one side, the tribal area of Jaunsar-Bawar and Tehfi Garhwal on the other, and Dehradun district to the south. To the north stand the lower Himalayas from the northern-most village of Bangan, Monda, it is only a few kilometres to Changshil glacier.
Bangani as a speech community exists socially and linguistically demarcating itself from the neighbouring speech communities more on the linguistic plain than on the social Heavy multilingualism (near total bilingualism) and its penetrating converging forces have not yet touched some of the archaic features of the language -~,.'hich are very distinct from any other Indo-Aryan languages of the neighbourhood Bangani's four tiered/layered lexicon-system, existing through more than 3000 years suggests retention of perhaps Pre Vedic Sanskrit words, some going as far back as P1E and its branches of languages which are extinct now (such as Kentum languages like Tocharian and Anatolian), coexisting with Classical Sanskrit and Middle lndo-Aryan (mainly tadbray) words along with New lndo-Aryan vocabulary highly substratumized by Hindi and its dialects. The four layered system pose enough challenge for any linguist to excavate the archaic words existing in the synchronic Bangani which may relate to cognates of some Western lndo -European languages as well as suggest to Latin origin of which there are no traces of in any of the Indian languages. In fact lexicon of Bangani exhibit North IA, South IA, as well as Western IE influence on it.
- The controversy over the IE archaism and a
possible link to Kentum languages as suggested by Zoller (1988, 1989)
drew my attention to the possibility of the Bangani community as very
ancient, or heavily influenced by a very ancient speech community
which must have existed 5000 years ago. Zoller's claim about the
Kentum language affiliation and later the strong denial of such a
proposition by Beekes (1995) and van Driem et al (1996) was provoking
enough to visit the place in person. Zoller claims that words such as
kosta "a story"
or kotia "several hundred, hundreds of" are
from Kentum branch of languages thus retaining k-
and not going through the Ruki rule of palatalization. In fact, there
are eleven words in total with initial k- and seven
2
words with medial -k- that he accounts for, some of them being traced back to Kentum languages. We must recall that there is no other language in India which can be considered a branch of Kentum language family.
The question is, do these words exist in the synchronic Bangani? If they do, what are their meanings? Has there been a semantic shift (an expected shift/change in the course of development)? If yes, where did Bangans come from? What are their affiliations and how have they retained these structures till today? I will restrict my investigation to first two linguistic questions and will consider the last three questions/issues at some later date. I would like to discuss only a select list of words with initial and medial velars so as to throw some light on the (non)application of the Ruki Rule
I will first give the word entry as given by Zoller (1988. 1989) and then just below that our recent findings. The number in brackets are the original ones used by Zoller. (please look up the key to the symbols used here at the end of this paper)
1. (3) 'OnkO 'dead, inanimate; a corpse'. <PIE ank- 'necessity, force'.
The field investigation shows that the word under consideration was used by people of all age groups for 'dead like, lifeless object'. The only difference was that we did not find nasalized vowel, instead a homoorganic nasal (symbolized here as a cluster of -ng-) was observed in all speeches. Consider:
(Though Bangani makes substantial use of tones. yet they are not marked so in the transcription of the data collected. This omission. however. does not deviate us from discussing the basic issue).
1.1 eu manuj bi-jaigo OngkO
this man also appears dead-like
' This man also appears to be dead'
this wood lifeless
this is a dead wood
2.(5) E~rkQ 'a louse, flea'. <PIE erek- 'louse'.
OIA IikSa- 'nit, young Iouse'.A genetic
term for any kind of lice was used by all age and sex groups.
Consider.
2.1 meri bOkri-di erkE poRi gui
my goat-gen lice fall GO'
my goat is infested with lice'
3(6) ErkO 'shining'. The word under consideration was rather rare
and only two
informants one each in villages such as Jagta and Chinwa could
confirm this in the phrase:
3.4 Accho ErkO 'good lighting'
3.5 ErkO 'twinkling, shining'
4(7) kOtrO - 'a fight'. <PIE
k`at(e)ro~- 'a fight'; OIAs~Sa`tru 'enemy' A very
prevalent word used for infighting as well as for ordinary fights. Notice the variants also.
4.1 dui ga~o kOtrO-machigo
two villages fight - happened
'Fight took place between two villages'
I gen. you gen. middle 1oc. fight be past
Fight took place between you and me'
4.3 I~u du~ manchu-rO kOtrO -macho
these two men fight happen
these two men have finished themselves in
fight
5.(8) kOpO 'a hoof. <PIE kapho-, kopho-., 'a hoof; OIA sa`pha 'hoof
Again a very common word attested by almost all
the informants. Some variations were also noticed such as [na:l] <
Hindi [na:l] and, [sangko].
5. I goru-rO kOpO
barE chuTi-go ek
cow gen hoof out left GO one
'the hoof of the cow got detached'
6.(9) kapO-kOpO
'several adjacent fields that belong to
one person'. <PIE ka`p-,
kOp 'a piece of land
or plot'.
A very common word used by all. In fact, the
diminutive i- is
also added on the pattern of Hindi for small fields, i.e.,
kapuN 'small
field'.
6.1 mere kape di paNi bOri
I gen. field gen water much
'There is no dearth of water in my field'.
7.(10) kOrsNO
'to rub oneself, to scratch' <PIE kars- 'to scratch'.
We found two variations. kOrsENO and the other kAnaNo 'to scratch back'. However.
an informant aged 55 years gave us a larger number of variations, including those which were drawn from Himachali. Hence, khOrgeS/ konau~/ khOrbar/luut all mean ' to scratch'.
I dat. scratch prog.
I feel like scratching (myself).
I-gen scratch happen then CAME mine back scratch
'When I felt like scratching 1 scratched (completive and reflexive) my back.'
8.(11 ) k OlpiNO 'to disappear, hide oneself (used in connection with gods and spirits)' <PIE kl ep-'to hide, keep secret'.
The word under consideration is still used by Banganis while describing a disappearance of ghost or gods. Consider:
8.1 dewu kOlpi-go
God disappear GO pst
'The God disappeared'.
Other words found for the same meaning were orchino and coriui-go (<Hindi).
9.(12) kOsNo 'to address s.o., gruffly, reprimand. Cp. PIE
k`as-, k`As'- 'to reprimand,instruct'.
Evidences of the application of RUKI rule is clear
in the language of some of the informants though older generation was
noticed to stick to kOs.
9.1 teni apno beTa kOsO
you your son scold-pst
'You scolded your son'.
9.2 kOso es kin-de ba-gO
scold he-dat. where go-pst
'Scold him, where has he gone?' ( uttered by a man to his wife at lunch time when he finds his son missing).
10.(13) kOsta~' 'a story'. Compare OIA Sastra-'scripture'
The word was prevalent in the verbal repertoire of all age groups ranging from 20 to 80 years old. Consider:
10.1 e ma: barOt-ri kOsta:
this Mahabharat-gen story
'This is the story of Mahabharat.'
this very bad story
'This is a bad story.'
11.(14). kOsta:r, kOste:r 'lovely, pleasant'.
We found some variations here. While a couple of the informants explained this as 'a loved one', 'wife', a majority of them interpret it as the 'one who is proud (of himself) or in a 'state of a bliss'. Hence:
11.1 teri beTi bORi kOsta:r baajE apkhi
Your daughter much proud consider reflexive
'Your daughter considers herself very clever (a sense of proudness).'
kOsta.'r can also be
used as a verb:
11.2 tu apkhi begi kOsta:r-lye
you refl. much proud-2sg
'You think too much of yourself (in the sense of being wise)
11.3 E dlya:N hOd kOsta:rAye
this sister-in-law much proud aux
'This sister-in-law is very conceited'.
12.(15) kO:~.tia ëseveral hundred, hundreds of <PIE kmto-. Compare OIA Sata
Surprisingly, we found this word attested by some
informants in the metaphoric meaning of 'many', 'too many' etc. just
as on the pattern of 1A and its dialects (such as Hindi .vdff~ '
hundreds', 'many'. This definitely draws our attention to the
possibility of this word of Kentum origin as suggested by Zoller
(1988,1989) or being associated to some Western IE language.
12.1 goiNi-di kO'~tia tara lagon-di
sky-loc. hundreds stars be pres.
Hundreds of (many) stars are there in the sky.
A monolingual informant aged 56 years explained to
us that tia refers to "countable entity, something that we can count"
while kO~tia means "innumerable, many, something which we cannot count".
Consider the following example:
this war/fight-gen hundreds people die-GO
Innumerable people got killed in this
war/fight
Some younger informants were noticed of using a little varied pronunciation with denasalization of vowel and an added aspiration as in kOThia.
13.(16) kairO 'grey, brown, dark, noble < PIE koiro- 'dark, grey, brown'.
The word under consideration is very prevalent among young and old. Variations such as khairO ~ khaira-ElO for ëgreyishí(Skt. kSa:r 'ashí) were noticed.
Consider:
13.1 mero kairo bo[ed aXo-i-na gore
my grey ox came-emph-neg. home
'My grey ox did not return home (at all)'.
14.(17) kurO 'strong, hard, a brave man'. <PIE k`u:ros 'swollen, strong ;
hero'...Compare OIA Su:ra- 'hero'
Hundred percent attestations by all kinds of
speakers were recorded for this word. Consider:
14.1 tesro baabaa bORO kuro-kurO
his father 'very strong
His father is very strong
The next two etyma attract our attention immediately to the archaic nature of the language. Also notice the initial vowel.
15.(34) dOkO 'ten'. <:PIE dek`m~ 'ten'. OIA dasa 'ten'.
Though Hindi and Himachali influence is strongly
visible in the replacement of k
by S,/s' in conversation as one
does come across das for 'ten', yet, surprisingly a substantial number of old
speakers retain dOkO for 'ten':
15.1 muke doko ka:pe
I dat. ten fields (are)
I have ten pieces of farm lands
16.(35) dOkru 'tear'. <PIE d(r)akru- 'tear'.
Again a widely used word in songs and used
specially by old men.
16. I meri buSE suNiyE ti:kE dOkru chuuTE:
my story hear CP 3rd acc. tears leave pst
Hearing my story he had tears (in his eyes).
17.(36) dukti 'daughter'. <PIE dhugh2ter-'daughter'. Used also for
'beating of the heart.
We could only attest the second meaning referring
to 'last breath', 'soul' etc.
17.1 dukti aondi laagii
soul leave cont.
the last breath is about to leave
18.(37) pOrkO
' a question'.
<PIE p(e)rek- 'to ask'. O1A praSna-'question'
Patyal (1995) reports of parut 'last year' in Western Pahari dialects. Mandyali has adjectival forms parka:/i.(fem), park(a)Na (fern. -i) 'related to last year'.
Though Beekes (1995) denies the existence of this word in Bangani, we could easily find it in the interior of Bangan. In fact, a minimal pair was found where length made all the difference. Consider:
pOrkO 'a question' vs. pO:.rkO 'last year' < Hindi: pa:r sa:l.
In fact, while interviewing an old blacksmith
named Sama in Chinwa he uttered the following sentence when he could
not understand our query.
what question asked you
what did you ask?
19.(52) muskO 'biceps'.<PlE mu:s 'mouse, muscle'. OIA mu:Sa-'mouse'.
We had no problem attesting this particular word as young boys started showing their muscles as soon as we asked the meaning of muskO. Variation was noticed as musaiNqO/ musaiNii.
20.(56) IOktO
'milk'. <PIE glak~- 'milk'. Latin
lacte 'milk'.
The word under consideration was attested in a compound-form as in lOktO-ki.slO 'milk-butter', or 'milk cream'. Neighbouring dialects of the area including Hindi also have the compound formation of the concept of 'milk and butter' (du:dh ghii).
Let us consider now words which have initial and medial/g/. As will be clear from the following examples many a times a typical IA language would expect a voiced palatal obstruent.in the place where Bangani shows /g/..
21.(1) OgnO~ 'unborn': negative of past participle of gOnNO.
Interestingly, though Zo!ler considers this particular word as rare item, we had no problem in attesting the word either from old or from young generation. The only difference was that there had been a slight semantic shil~ as the word means 'stillborn' or 'dead' I would thus consider this as a negative past participle of gonNO (Hindi jAn ma with the basic meaning of 'lifeless'(Hindi Ajiiv). Consider few examples:
21.1 meri bakri-goi OgnO~
my goat GO lifeless
'my goat delivered a lifeless kid'
21.2 meri bakri car mina-ri Ogna-oigoi
my goat four months gen lifeless GO
my goat delivered four month prematured still borns'
21.3 meri gal rO basTu OgnO~ uO
my cow gen calf lifeless be pst
'my cow delivered a still born calf
The other words semantically related to
ognO~ listed by
Zoller are gOgOnO 'she gave birth ' which he considers as the past
tense-reduplication of gonNo
'to give birth'. He cites PIE form
genh1- 'to
create' for its etymon, and compares it with OIA jAnAti 'gives birth,
creates'.
While we could establish various morphological
shapes of the infinitive gonNO
we could not establish the reduplicated
form in the past tense. Consider:
22.1 meri gaIy-ei dui ba.STu gOnON-di
my cow-erg two calves birth-GAVE
'my cow delivered two calves'
The word gOnNO is also used for the meaning of 'happening', or to 'express what is concealed' such as in cases of astrologer's predictions or doctor's diagnosis.
23(18) goiNO 'to sacrifice' <PIE g'heu- 'to pour'. Comparable with OIA juhoti 'sacrifices'. Though we could also collect various other words for similar meaning such as gaTo deno or phEra deno our monolingual informant aged 80 from Chinwa village rendered the following sentence:
23.1 tini.apRO gOr-bar goINO
he refl. house-hold sacrificed
'he sacrificed his house-hold (worldly
pleasures)'
Not only from an old man like the case above we
also found members from Jagta village and a male informant aged 35
from the village Tiuni to attest this form as he gave us the
following sentence:
23.2 burhi-ai apNO gOr gOINOdi
old man refl. house sacrificed
'The old man sacrificed his house'
Another semantically related word that Zoller
presents in his work is gomNO
'to sacrifice' with the same etymon PIE
gheu- and
compares it with the OIA hotna
'libation, offering'. We had no problem in
acquiring this particular word also. Consider the following sentence,
which was given to us by a monolingual, 56, male member:
god-gen swirl-loc i-dat all sacrifice GO pst
I had to sacrifice everything because I was under the influence of God'
Most of the informants (both male and female) were
of the view that the word meant 'to give up something without any
regrets and repent'. However, the entry no. 22 in Zoller's paper
gOmi 'a
sacrificer' was attested for a very different meaning.
Almost all of the informants thought that the word meant 'sad person'. Sentences like the following were very commonly heard, even from monolinguals:
25.1 eu manuj hod gomi
this man very unhappy/sad
'he is a very unhappy man'
I wonder whether this particular word is a
borowing from Urdu GhAm 'sorrows'.
Let us take another word, which failed to go through expected palatalization as witnessed in other IA languages.
26 (23) gOmbO, gumbO 'a molar tooth'. <PIE g'ombho- 'toothí, which is comparable to OIA jambha- 'tooth'.
We are not very sure of its wide prevalence as our
monolingual informant gave us the word .l,'rnial'ho ~ dalhi for molar
while some speakers from younger generation and bilinguals
corroborated the word as in the sentence as:
my jaw pain feel
'My jaw is aching'
my molar-loc. pain feels
'I have pain in my molars'
Another archaic word which we could attest without
much problem was gOsti foreigner' <PIE ghosti-
'a guest, foreigner'. Consider~
27.1 etra amaare gOsti aSon di
today ours guests come past.
'Our guests have come today'
I refl. all guests invited
'All my guests have been invited'
Some informants were noted to be varying between gOsti and gAsti for the same meaning. A minimal pair was found between gOsti and gusti (O vs.u). Thus gusti meant 'internal desire' as rightly reported by Zoller as well as 'enjoyment' comparable to O1A jusTi - 'love, favour', Latin gusto- 'taste' However, a female informant aged 42 gave us gusti for 'good taste' and gOsti for 'having fun', while another female speaker from another village aged 65 thought that gOsti meant 'guest'.
28 (25) gO~ti 'an expert' < PIE g`nteh3-
'to know, recognize'. Also compare
OIA jnya.'- 'to
recognize, know'. It was not very common word but nonetheless
attested by old and young, especially by those whose fluency in
second language was either marginal or for all practical purpose they
were monolinguals. Consider:
28.1 seu manuch-ai cori kOrne-di bOro gO~'ti
that man-emph to steal gen very expert
'That man (alone) is expert in stealing'.
28.2 mero bai sabu kamo-di puro got~i
my brother all work-gen complete expert
' My brother is expert in all the work'
The most difficult word to attest was the entry no. 26 in the Zoller list, i.e. gO~:te:r 'creator' <PIE g'enhl- 'to create'. He relates this etymon to the one considered earlier, viz. gonNo and compares it with OIA janitr 'progenitor'. However, among many others our monolingual and old informants one each from Jagta and Chinwa village (aged 80 and 56 years respectively) could attest this word without any problem. No one could explain the meaning very clearly though the sentence rendered by them emoted a generic meaning of' the ones which are created, i.e. creations'. The word under consideration was always used in the context of God and its creations. Consider:
29.1 tere caNo-di gO~te:r aye
yours created -gen creations came
'We, who are creation of yours have come'
29.2 ame bOgwan bade teri gO~te:r
we God all yours creations
' Oh God! We are all your creations'
30 (27) gimO~ 'winter'. <PIE ghimo-
'snow' , OIA hima- 'snow'.
Almost all our informants confirmed using this word for the month of 'Paus'(winter) In general it meant 'cold and damp'. Our monolingual informant aged 80 uttered the following while discussing cold climate.
Poos-gen month-loc feels cold (partial reduplication)
'In the month of Paus (one) feels very cold'
Our other monolingual informant aged 56 uttered
the following.
30.2 eu moino boRo gimO~
this month very cold
'This is a very cold month'
Another related etymon mentioned by Zoller and very prevalently used in the region is:
31 (28) gimia:LO 'the coldness which prevails before snowfall'. A slight variation in meaning was noticed. That is, gimia:LO was used either for 'cold' as in 29 or for the concept of 'related to cold' such as in phrases Magh, Phagun. ('hOiter gimiaLO 'The months of Magh, Phagun, Chair are cold, ie. wintery'. Once asked in isolation/br the exact meaning of the word. the prompt response came as "iu~ walo" i.e. days/months ëpertaining to snow'.
(31) getu 'the resin from an oak-like tree'. <PIE gu'etu- 'resin'. Compare OIA
.jatu- 'lac,
gum'. We found many variants of this word along with the word
getu itself .
Most of the informants referred to resins of different trees while
getu specifically was referred to the resin of Ban and Chulu
trees.
31.1 meri culue-di ase makt~;-i getu
my Chulu-gen tree many resins
There are many resins in my Chulu tree'.
Ban-gen tree extract getu
'The extract of the Ban tree is known as Getu'
19
The sentence 32.2 was rendered as an explanation that was sought by us for the word under consideration. Notice the typical syntactic structure of Hindi, a strong case of bilinguals are in Hindi as well as strong urge to be 'helpful' to outsiders. We tried to avoid collect such structures.
What does this all prove7 Zoller's contention is correct. The language seems to have retained some very archaic structures, retaining PIE k-, -l~-, g- and -g-. Many. words in Bangani unlike other IA languages of the region have not witnessed palatalization defying RUKi Rule. It is difficult to prove at this point whether this is because of its affiliation to Kenturn language as claimed by Zoller. However, on the basis of the first-hand data acquired during these two field trips. it can be said without any prejudices and with some certainly that some Western Indo-European language (perhaps Tokharian) of which we have no knowledge so far. either had a significant role in substratumizing Bangani or, Bangani itself was genetically related to this unknown Western IE language. There are many other features in the language such as existence of O as against a of I.Ir., pre-verbal auxiliaries (without being a V2 language system), and post auxiliary negatives that may also be seen as retentions of archaic structure in Bangani of which traces are only in Indo-European languages (Abbi 1997 forthcoming).
Heavy multi-lingualism along with the sense of
language retention has given rise to a complex situation where
archaic structures coexist with those which share language change
processes (in phonology, morphology, and syntax) with the rest of the
IA languages spoken in South Asia. Needless to emphasize further,
future linguistic research at all levels is warranted in Bangan
region especially by those linguists who are engaged in
socio-historical linguistics.
A Note on Methodology
A field-trip was undertaken by the author along with two of her students Ms Sunita Singh and Mr Pradeep Kumar in the month of September 1995. A number of tape-recordings of interviews and songs were also made Several informants of both genders also taped the word list given in the paper Later in December 1995 I along with seven students (two females and five males) went to the interiors of Bangan and in all visited several villages such as, Jagta, Chinwa, Dzola Dogri, Moldi Dogri, Tikochi, Barnall, Airala Dogri, Bhattadi Dogri. Kiranu, Duchanu (all in Kothigarh belt), as well as Arakot. Pitlasu, Ravana. Canto. Saran, and Bhutanu (all in Pingalpatti). We had to scale, at times the height of 3000 Mrs in cold snowy winter Most of the words were attested in Chinwa (houses 28-30 households) and Jagta (has 14 Chauhan families and 18 Koli families). All villages are approachable on fi~ot, as there is only one motorable road, which does not touch many villages As our objective during the second trip was wider, I and my students interacted w'ith and observed close to 100 members of the speech community, including village gatherings and discourse contexts of various types, such as a group of Devals with their women before a religious rituals in a tent outside a temple in the afternoon, a village gathering for a quasi-religious, ritualistic 'performance' at night; informal but animated discussions among village elders over tea at a Sarpanch's house on a kev day in the village calendar; relaxed dinner-time family conversations in the kitchen conversation with mother-in-law and daughter-in-law in the kitchen while they were cooking lunch ( being a woman, I enjoyed a special privilege to be invited right in the kitchen where women folks exchanged recipes with me); conversation with our 80 year old informant while he kept working with his hammer (he was a blacksmith)--all revealing linguistically significant behaviour patterns and invaluable pieces of information on the speech community's state of health (as we were obviously very concerned about the obsolescencing phenomenon. if at all, existed because of heavy bilingualism) and vigour. The multilingual component of Bangani speech community, at times, gives a trying time to any field linguist to separate the old from the new. However, in remote villages like Jagta and Chinwa we could identify old men and women whose competence in Hindi or in any other language was minimal. Coupled with indirect observational technique, one employed direct questioning methods to extract relevant information Tape recordings were made wherever its imperativeness was felt. It is to be noted that people love to be taped and heard their own voice, and hence recording speeches in Indian villages is not any problem. The presence of a tape recorder motivated many of them to render songs and ballads. I thank to all our informants for their co-operation and hospitality.
21
References:
Abbi, Anvita 1997. Redundancies and Restructuring
in Bangani Syntax: A Case of Language Contact in Western Himalaya
Paper read in the 7hird Himalayan language
Conterence, Santa Barbara. USA .
Beekes, Robert S P. 1990. Indo European, Linguistics.
Driem, George van and Suhnu R. Sharma. 1996 In
Search of Indo-Europeans in Himalayas Indogermanische Forschungen 10
l. Pp 107.-46.
Patyal, Hukum Chand 1995. Archaic Words in Some
Western Pahari Dialects A Historical Perspective. Indian Linguistics. Vol. 56,
Nos. 1 -4. Pp 129-34.
Zoller, Claus Peter. 1988. Bericht Uber bsondere
Archaismen im Bangani, einer Western Pahari-Sprache. Munchener S'tudien zur Sprachwissenschaft.
49 Pp 173-200.
Zoller, Claus Peter, 1989. Bericht Uber
grammatische Archaismen im Bangani Muchener
,S'tudien , zur ,Sprachwissenschaft..
50. Pp 159-218.
Zoller, Claus Peter. 1993. A Note on Bangani .
Indian Linguistics. Col. 54, Nos 1-4. Pp 112-14.
KEY TO SYMBOLS
E = higher low, unrounded front vowel. Cardinal No.3.
O = higher low rounded back vowel. Cardinal No. 6.
S = voiceless palatal sibilant
A = mean mid central vowel. Schwa
All capital letters otherwise stand for retroflexion
~ after a vowel = nasalized vowel
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