Patio Man
and the Sprawl People
by David
Brooks
The
Weekly Standard.
August
12/August 19, 2002 issue
I DON'T
KNOW if you've ever noticed the expression of a man who is about to buy a
first-class barbecue grill. He walks into a Home Depot or Lowe's or one of the
other mega hardware complexes and his eyes are glistening with a faraway
visionary zeal, like one of those old prophets gazing into the promised land.
His lips are parted and twitching slightly. Inside the megastore, the grills
are just past the racks of affordable- house plan books, in the yard-machinery
section. They are arrayed magnificently next to the vehicles that used to be
known as rider mowers but are now known as lawn tractors, because to call them
rider mowers doesn't really convey the steroid-enhanced M-1 tank power of the
things.
The man
approaches the barbecue grills and his face bears a trance-like expression,
suggesting that he has cast aside all the pains and imperfections of this world
and is approaching the gateway to a higher dimension. In front of him are a
number of massive steel-coated reactors with names like Broilmaster P3, The
Thermidor, and the Weber Genesis, because in America it seems perfectly normal
to name a backyard barbecue grill after a book of the Bible.
The items
in this cooking arsenal flaunt enough metal to suggest they have been hardened
to survive a direct nuclear assault, and Patio Man goes from machine to machine
comparing their features--the cast iron/porcelain coated cooking surfaces, the
328,000-Btu heat-generating capacities, the 1,600-degree-tolerance linings, the
multiple warming racks, the lava rock containment dishes, the built-in
electrical meat thermometers, and so on. Certain profound questions flow
through his mind. Is a 542-square-inch grilling surface really enough,
considering that he might someday get the urge to roast an uncut buffalo steak?
Though the matte steel overcoat resists scratching, doesn't he want a polished
steel surface on his grill so he can glance down and admire his reflection as
he is performing the suburban manliness rituals, such as brushing tangy sauce
on meat slabs with his right hand while clutching a beer can in an NFL foam
insulator ring in his left?
Pretty soon
a large salesman in an orange vest who looks like a human SUV comes up to him
and says, "Howyadoin'," which is, "May I help you?" in Home
Depot talk. Patio Man, who has so much lust in his heart it is all he can do to
keep from climbing up on one of these machines and whooping rodeo-style with
joy, manages to respond appropriately. He grunts inarticulately and nods toward
the machines. Careful not to make eye contact at any point, the two manly
suburban men have a brief exchange of pseudo-scientific grill argot that
neither of them understands, and pretty soon Patio Man has come to the reasoned
conclusion that it really does make sense to pay a little extra for a grill
with V-shaped metal baffles, ceramic rods, and a side-mounted smoker box. Plus
the grill he selects has four insulated drink holders. All major choices of
consumer durables these days ultimately come down to which model has the most
impressive cup holders.
Patio Man
pays for the grill with his credit card, and is told that some minion will
forklift his machine over to the loading dock around back. It is yet another
triumph in a lifetime of conquest shopping, and as Patio Man heads toward the
parking lot he is glad once again that he's driving that Yukon XL so that he
can approach the loading dock guys as a co-equal in the manly fraternity of
Those Who Haul Things.
He steps
out into the parking lot and is momentarily blinded by sun bouncing off the hardtop.
The parking lot is so massive that he can barely see the Wal-Mart, the Bed Bath
& Beyond, or the area-code-sized Old Navy glistening through the heat there
on the other side. This mall is in fact big enough to qualify for membership in
the United Nations, and is so vast that shoppers have to drive from store to
store, cutting diagonally through the infinity of empty parking spaces in
between.
AS PATIO
MAN walks past the empty handicapped and expectant-mother parking spots toward
his own vehicle, wonderful grill fantasies dance in his imagination: There he
is atop the uppermost tier of his multi-level backyard patio/outdoor recreation
area posed like an admiral on the deck of his destroyer. In his mind's eye he
can see himself coolly flipping the garlic and pepper T-bones on the front
acreage of his new grill while carefully testing the citrus-tarragon trout
filets that sizzle fragrantly in the rear. On the lawn below he can see his
kids, Haley and Cody, frolicking on the weedless community lawn that is mowed
twice weekly by the people who run Monument Crowne Preserve, his townhome
community.
Haley,
12, is a Travel Team Girl, who spends her weekends playing midfield against
similarly pony-tailed, strongly calved soccer marvels. Cody, 10, is a Buzz Cut
Boy, whose naturally blond hair has been cut to a lawn-like stubble and dyed an
almost phosphorescent white. Cody's wardrobe is entirely derivative of fashions
he has seen watching the X-Games.
In his
vision, Patio Man can see the kids enjoying their child-safe lawn darts with a
gaggle of their cul de sac friends, a happy gathering of Haleys and Codys and
Corys and Britneys. It's a brightly colored scene: Abercrombie & Fitch pink
spaghetti-strap tops on the girls and ankle length canvas shorts and laceless
Nikes on the boys. Patio Man notes somewhat uncomfortably that in America today
the average square yardage of boys' fashion grows and grows while the square
inches in the girls' outfits shrink and shrink, so that while the boys look
like tent-wearing skateboarders, the girls look like preppy prostitutes.
Nonetheless,
Patio Man envisions his own adult softball team buddies lounging on his
immaculate deck furniture watching him with a certain moist envy in their eyes
as he mans the grill. They are fit, sockless men in dock siders, chinos, and
Tommy Bahama muted Hawaiian shirts. Their wives, trim Jennifer Aniston women,
wear capris and sleeveless tops that look great owing to their many hours of
sweat and exercise at Spa Lady. These men and women may not be Greatest
Generation heroes, or earthshaking inventors like Thomas Edison, but if Thomas
Edison had had a Human Resources Department, and that Human Resources
Department had organized annual enrichment and motivational conferences for
mid-level management, then these people would have been the marketing executives
for the back office outsourcing companies to the meeting-planning firms that
hooked up the HR executives with the conference facilities.
They are
wonderful people. And Patio Man can envision his own wife, Cindy, a Realtor
Mom, circulating amongst them serving drinks, telling parent-teacher conference
stories and generally spreading conviviality while he, Patio Man, masterfully
runs the grill--again, to the silent admiration of all. The sun is shining. The
people are friendly. The men are no more than 25 pounds overweight, which is
the socially acceptable male paunch level in upwardly mobile America, and the
children are well adjusted. It is a vision of the sort of domestic bliss that
Patio Man has been shooting for all his life.
And it's
plausible now because two years ago Patio Man made the big move. He pulled up
stakes and he moved his family to a Sprinkler City.
Sprinkler
Cities are the fast-growing suburbs mostly in the South and West that are the
homes of the new style American Dream, the epicenters of Patio Man fantasies.
Douglas County, Colorado, which is the fastest-growing county in America and is
located between Denver and Colorado Springs, is a Sprinkler City. So is
Henderson, Nevada, just outside of Las Vegas. So is Loudoun County, Virginia,
near Dulles Airport. So are Scottsdale and Gilbert, Arizona, and Union County,
North Carolina.
The growth
in these places is astronomical, as Patio Men and their families--and Patio
retirees, yuppie geezers who still like to grill, swim, and water ski--flock to
them from all over. Douglas County grew 13.6 percent from April 2000 to July
2001, while Loudoun County grew 12.6 percent in that 16-month period.
Henderson, Nevada, has tripled in size over the past 10 years and now has over
175,000 people. Over the past 50 years, Irving, Texas, grew by 7,211 percent,
from about 2,600 people to 200,000 people.
The biggest
of these boom suburbs are huge. With almost 400,000 people, Mesa, Arizona, has
a larger population than Minneapolis, Cincinnati, or St. Louis. And this sort
of growth is expected to continue. Goodyear, Arizona, on the western edge of
the Phoenix area, now has about 20,000 people, but is projected to have 320,000
in 50 years' time. By then, Greater Phoenix could have a population of over 6
million and cover over 10,000 square miles.
Sprinkler
Cities are also generally the most Republican areas of the country. In some of
the Sprinkler City congressional districts, Republicans have a 2 or 3 or 4 to 1
registration advantage over Democrats. As cultural centers, they represent the
beau ideal of Republican selfhood, and are becoming the new base--the brains,
heart, guts, and soul of the emerging Republican party. Their values are not
the same as those found in either old-line suburbs like Greenwich, Connecticut,
where a certain sort of Republican used to dominate, or traditional
conservative bastions, such as the old South. This isn't even the more modest
conservatism found in the midwestern farm belt. In fact, the rising prominence
of these places heralds a new style of suburb vs. suburb politics, with the
explosively growing Republican outer suburbs vying with the slower-growing and
increasingly Democratic inner suburbs for control of the center of American
political gravity.
If
you stand on a hilltop overlooking a Sprinkler City, you see, stretched across
the landscape, little brown puffs here and there where bulldozers are kicking
up dirt while building new townhomes, office parks, shopping malls, AmeriSuites
guest hotels, and golf courses. Everything in a Sprinkler City is new. The
highways are so clean and freshly paved you can eat off them. The elementary
schools have spic and span playgrounds, unscuffed walls, and immaculate
mini-observatories for just-forming science classes.
The lawns
in these places are perfect. It doesn't matter how arid the local landscape
used to be, the developers come in and lay miles of irrigation tubing, and the
sprinklers pop up each evening, making life and civilization possible.
The roads
are huge. The main ones, where the office parks are, have been given names like
Innovation Boulevard and Entrepreneur Avenue, and they've been built for the
population levels that will exist a decade from now, so that today you can
cruise down these flawless six lane thoroughfares in traffic-less nirvana, and
if you get a cell phone call you can just stop in the right lane and take the
call because there's no one behind you. The smaller roads in the residential
neighborhoods have pretentious names--in Loudoun County I drove down Trajan's
Column Terrace--but they too are just as smooth and immaculate as a blacktop
bowling alley. There's no use relying on a map to get around these places,
because there's no way map publishers can keep up with the construction.
The town
fathers try halfheartedly to control sprawl, and as you look over the landscape
you can see the results of their ambivalent zoning regulations. The homes
aren't spread out with quarter-acre yards, as in the older, close-in suburbs.
Instead they are clustered into pseudo-urban pods. As you scan the horizon
you'll see a densely packed pod of townhouses, then a stretch of a half mile of
investor grass (fields that will someday contain 35,000-square-foot Fresh-Mex
restaurants but for now are being kept fallow by investors until the prices
rise), and then another pod of slightly more expensive detached homes just as
densely packed.
The
developments in the southeastern Sprinkler Cities tend to have Mini-McMansion
Gable-gable houses. That is to say, these are 3,200-square-foot middle-class
homes built to look like 7,000-square-foot starter palaces for the nouveau
riche. And on the front at the top, each one has a big gable, and then right in
front of it, for visual relief, a little gable jutting forward so that it looks
like a baby gable leaning against a mommy gable.
These homes
have all the same features as the authentic McMansions of the mid-'90s (as
history flows on, McMansions come to seem authentic), but significantly
smaller. There are the same vaulted atriums behind the front doors that never
get used, and the same open kitchen/two-story great rooms with soaring palladian
windows. But in the middle-class knockoffs, the rooms are so small, especially
upstairs, that a bedroom or a master-bath suite would fit inside one of the
walk-in closets of a real McMansion.
In the
Southwest the homes tend to be tile and stucco jobs, with tiny mousepad lawns
out front, blue backyard spas in the back, and so much white furniture inside
that you have to wear sunglasses indoors. As you fly over the Sprinkler Cities
you begin to see the rough pattern--a little pseudo-urbanist plop of
development, a blank field, a plop, a field, a plop. You also notice that the
developers build the roads and sewage lines first and then fill in the houses
later, so from the sky you can see cul de sacs stretching off into the distance
with no houses around them.
Then,
cutting through the landscape are broad commercial thoroughfares with two-tier,
big-box malls on either side. In the front tier is a line of highly themed
chain restaurants that all fuse into the same Macaroni Grill Olive Outback
Cantina Charlie Chiang's Dave & Buster's Cheesecake Factory m lange of
peppy servers, superfluous ceiling fans, free bread with olive oil, and taco
salad entrees. In the 21st-century migration of peoples, the food courts come
first and the huddled masses follow.
Then in the
back row are all the huge, exposed-air-duct architectural behemoths, which are
the big-box stores.
Shopping
experiences are now segregated by mood. If you are in the mood for some
titillating browsing, you can head over to a Lifestyle Center, which is one of
those instant urban streetscapes that developers put up in suburbia as
entertainment/retail/community complexes, complete with pedestrian zones,
outdoor caf s, roller rinks, multiplexes, and high-attitude retail concepts
such as CP Shades, a chain store that masquerades as a locally owned boutique.
If you are
buying necessities, really shopping, there are Power Malls. These are the
big-box expanses with Wal-marts, K-Marts, Targets, price clubs, and all the
various Depots (Home, Office, Furniture, etc.). In Sprinkler Cities there are
archipelagoes of them--one massive parking lot after another surrounded by huge
boxes that often have racing stripes around the middle to break the monotony of
the windowless exterior walls.
If
one superstore is in one mall, then its competitor is probably in the next one
in the archipelago. There's a Petsmart just down from a Petco, a Borders nearby
a Barnes & Noble, a Linens 'n' Things within sight of a Bed Bath &
Beyond, a Best Buy cheek by jowl with a Circuit City. In Henderson, there's a
Wal-Mart superstore that spreads over 220,000 square feet, with all those happy
greeters in blue vests to make you feel small-town.
There are
also smaller stores jammed in between the mega-outlets like little feeder fish
swimming around the big boys. On one strip, there might be the ostentatiously
unpretentious Total Wine & More, selling a galaxy of casual Merlots. Nearby
there might be a Michaels discount women's clothing, a bobo bazaar such as
World Market that sells raffia fiber from Madagascar, Rajasthani patchwork coverlets
from India, and vermouth-flavored martini onions from Israel, and finally a
string of storefront mortgage bankers and realtors serving all the new
arrivals. In Sprinkler Cities, there are more realtors than people.
PEOPLE
MOVE TO Sprinkler Cities for the same reasons people came to America or headed
out West. They want to leave behind the dirt and toxins of their former
existence--the crowding and inconvenience, the precedents, and the oldness of
what suddenly seems to them a settled and unpromising world. They want to move
to some place that seems fresh and new and filled with possibility.
Sprinkler
City immigrants are not leaving cities to head out to suburbia. They are
leaving older suburbs--which have come to seem as crowded, expensive, and
stratified as cities--and heading for newer suburbs, for the suburbia of
suburbia.
One of the
problems we have in thinking about the suburbs is that when it comes to
suburbia the American imagination is motionless. Many people still have in
their heads the stereotype of suburban life that the critics of suburbia
established in the 1950s. They see suburbia as a sterile, dull, Ozzie and
Harriet retreat from the creative dynamism of city life, and the people who
live in the suburbs as either hopelessly shallow or quietly and neurotically
desperate. (There is no group in America more conformist than the people who
rail against suburbanites for being conformist--they always make the same
critiques, decade after decade.)
The truth,
of course, is that suburbia is not a retreat from gritty American life, it is
American life. Already, suburbanites make up about half of the country's
population (while city people make up 28 percent and rural folk make up the
rest), and America gets more suburban every year.
According
to the census data, the suburbs of America's 100 largest metro areas grew twice
as fast as their central cities in the 1990s, and that was a decade in which
many cities actually reversed their long population slides. Atlanta, for
example, gained 23,000 people in the '90s, but its suburbs grew by 1.1 million
people.
Moreover,
newer suburbs no longer really feed off cities. In 1979, 74 percent of American
office space was located in cities, according to the Brookings Institution's
Robert Puentes. But now, after two decades in which the biggest job growth has
been in suburban office parks, the suburbs' share of total office space has
risen to 42 percent. In other words, we are fast approaching a time when the
majority of all office space will be in the suburbs, and most Americans not
only will not live in cities, they won't even commute to cities or have any
regular contact with city life.
Encompassing
such a broad swath of national existence, suburbs obviously cannot possibly be
the white-bread places of myth and literature. In reality, as the most recent
census shows, suburbs contain more non-family houses--young singles and elderly
couples--than family households, married couples with children. Nor are they
overwhelmingly white. The majority of Asian Americans, half of Hispanics, and
40 percent of American blacks live in suburbia.
And so now
there are crucial fault lines not just between city and suburb but between one
kind of suburb and another. Say you grew up in some southern California suburb
in the 1970s. You graduated from the University of Oregon and now you are a
systems analyst with a spouse and two young kids. You're making $65,000 a year,
far more than you ever thought you would, but back in Orange County you find
you can't afford to live anywhere near your Newport Beach company headquarters.
So your commute is 55 minutes each way. Then there's your house itself. You
paid $356,000 for a 1962 four-bedroom split level with a drab kitchen, low
ceilings, and walls that are chipped and peeling. Your mortgage--that $1,800 a
month--is like a tapeworm that devours the family budget.
And then
you visit a Sprinkler City in Arizona or Nevada or Colorado--far from the coast
and deep into exurbia--and what do you see? Bounteous roads! Free traffic
lanes! If you lived here you'd be in commuter bliss--15 minutes from home on
Trajan's Column Terrace to the office park on Innovation Boulevard! If you
lived here you'd have an extra hour and a half each day for yourself.
And those
real estate prices! In, say, Henderson, Nevada, you wouldn't have to spend over
$400,000 for a home and carry that murderous mortgage. You could get a home
that's brand new, twice the size of your old one, with an attached garage (no
flimsy carport), and three times as beautiful for $299,000. The average price
of a single-family home in Loudoun County, one of the pricier of the Sprinkler
Cities, was $166,824 in 2001, which was an 11 percent increase over the year
before. Imagine that! A mortgage under 200 grand! A great anvil would be lifted
from your shoulders. More free money for you to spend on yourself. More free
time to enjoy. More Freedom!
Plus, if
you moved to a Sprinkler City there would be liberation of a subtler kind. The
old suburbs have become socially urbanized. They've become stratified. Two
sorts of people have begun to move in and ruin the middle-class equality of the
development you grew up in: the rich and the poor.
There are,
first, the poor immigrants, from Mexico, Vietnam, and the Philippines. They
come in, a dozen to a house, and they introduce an element of unpredictability
to what was a comforting milieu. They shout. They're less tidy. Their teenage
boys seem to get involved with gangs and cars. Suddenly you feel you will lose
control of your children. You begin to feel a new level of anxiety in the
neighborhood. It is exactly the level of anxiety--sometimes intermingled with
racism--your parents felt when they moved from their old neighborhood to the
suburbs in the first place.
And then
there are the rich. Suddenly many of the old ramblers are being knocked down by
lawyers who proceed to erect 4,000-square-foot arts and crafts bungalows with
two-car garages for their Volvos. Suddenly cars in the neighborhoods have
window and bumper stickers that never used to be there in the past:
"Yale," "The Friends School," "Million Mom
March." The local stores are changing too. Gone are the hardware stores
and barber shops. Now there are Afghan restaurants, Marin County bistros, and
environmentally sensitive and extremely expensive bakeries.
And these
new people, while successful and upstanding, are also . . . snobs. They're
doctors and lawyers and journalists and media consultants. They went to fancy
colleges and they consider themselves superior to you if you sell home-security
systems or if you are a mechanical engineer, and in subtle yet patronizing ways
they let you know it.
I recently
interviewed a woman in Loudoun County who said she had grown up and lived most
of her life in Bethesda, Maryland, which is an upscale suburb close to
Washington. When I asked why she left Bethesda, she hissed "I hate it
there now" with a fervor that took me by surprise. And as we spoke, it
became clear that it was precisely the "improvements" she hated: the
new movie theater that shows only foreign films, the explosion of French,
Turkish, and new wave restaurants, the streets choked with German cars and
Lexus SUVs, the doctors and lawyers and journalists with their educated-class
one-upmanship.
These new
people may live in the old suburbs but they hate suburbanites. They hate
sprawl, big-box stores, automobile culture. The words they use about
suburbanites are: synthetic, bland, sterile, self-absorbed, disengaged. They
look down on people who like suburbs. They don't like their lawn statuary,
their Hallmark greeting cards, their Ethan Allen furniture, their megachurches,
the seasonal banners the old residents hang out in front of their houses, their
untroubled attitude toward McDonald's and Dairy Queen, their Thomas Kinkade
fantasy paintings. And all the original suburbanites who were peacefully
enjoying their suburb until the anti-suburban suburbanites moved in notice the
condescension, and they do what Americans have always done when faced with
disapproval, anxiety, and potential conflict. They move away. The pincer
movements get them: the rich and the poor, the commutes and the mortgages, the
prices and the alienation. And pretty soon it's Henderson, Nevada, here we
come.