Reorganization at Transformation Community College:
Becoming a High Performance Institution (B)


This case was written by Catherine H. Augustine, doctoral candidate at the University of Michigan, under the supervision of Professor Marvin W. Peterson at the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education at the University of Michigan. The project was funded as part of the W.K. Kellogg Foundation's "Kellogg Forum on Higher Education Transformation" initiative. This case is designed as the basis for class discussion on managing change in higher education institution; it is not intended to illustrate either effective or ineffective handling of an administrative situation.

Reorganization at Transformation Community College:
Becoming a High Performance Institution (A)

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Life under the Matrix - Back to Top

Despite Garrison's hope that the matrix would work and would propel TCC toward a high performance organization, life under the matrix was not the proverbial bed of roses. The problems were deep and diverse; many had not been foreseen during the planning phases. Some of these problems were prevalent college-wide while others evidenced themselves in various ways on the different campuses.

At Waterford

The Campus Vice President at Waterford was also the college-wide Instructional Vice President. She was responsible for establishing both college-wide and campus-based core teams. From all accounts, the number of hours she worked increased under the matrix. There were four deans who had offices at Waterford during the matrix: a Dean of Instructional Management Systems, a Dean of Instructional Productivity, a college-wide dean for Health and Business, and a college-wide dean for Advanced Technologies and Applied Science. These deans, too, logged extra hours as they traveled from campus to campus, carrying out their college-wide responsibilities.

Many Waterford faculty members decided to completely ignore the matrix and only focus on their teaching. They were retiring soon anyway and did not care whether the matrix succeeded or not. They simply could not be bothered. Classified staff members on campus were confused by all the changes but continued to support their offices as best they could.

As the matrix was implemented, Waterford was experiencing a drop in enrollment. Waterford staff attributed this enrollment decline to a strong local job market, students attending the Barrymore campuses, increasing competition for students, and a difficulty in maintaining levels of technology needed for specific programs. Because of this enrollment decline, Waterford constituents appreciated the budgeting process under the matrix as it aimed to benefit the whole college equally.

At Langston

Edward Remington, the Vice President of the Langston campus, was given the responsibility for student services college-wide. There were three deans who had offices at the Langston campus: a college wide dean for Educational Technology; a college-wide dean for K-12 Partnerships and Developmental Education; and a college-wide dean for Student Services. Both Remington and his deans had to travel to other campuses for meetings relating to their functions and much of their time was spent on college-wide issues. They were on campus less often and faculty and classified staff could not always find them when a form needed signing or a decision needed making. In addition to needing him to sign forms, faculty, classified staff, administrators, and community members missed interacting with Edward Remington. Whenever one of them did catch Remington on campus they joked that there had been a "Remington sighting." They believed that without his attention, their campus would suffer.

Fullerton community members especially believed that the switch to the matrix had left them unattended. With all the time needed for travel and college-wide meetings, when would the Langston leaders spend time on community needs? Community members interpreted the matrix as a move both to take Edward away from them and to distract them from their mission to become autonomous.

The change in the budgeting process incurred the most anger from Langston constituents. Many believe that financial issues were the biggest detractor from accepting the matrix. Langston staff now had even less authority over their budget. Since function drove budget, they could not control how money was allocated for their campus. The growth they were seeing in enrollment went unrewarded. Langston administrators contacted the newly instituted institutional research office on a weekly basis, "frantic for enrollment data that would help in arguing for more money." Faculty and administrators at Langston resented being downgraded from, as they saw it, a satellite to a colony. They believed that they had been building their capacity for serving students in innovative ways. Instead of being rewarded for these innovations, they saw the matrix as stripping away their identity.

While they were angry about the matrix, Langston constituents still believed that they would be their own college soon. Even though they were confused by the matrix, wondering why Garrison would implement such a ploy to detract from their goal of autonomy, many still believed autonomy was imminent. This impending autonomy contributed toward the lack of motivation to make the matrix work.

At Barrymore Arrowhead

Due to activism of the board members who had opposed the merger between TCC and the Barrymore vo-tech center, the Barrymore Arrowhead campus was not stable during the implementation of the matrix. While TCC employees were trying to adjust to this new organizational structure, some were also pouring time and energy into ensuring the success of this new campus. The people responsible for this campus needed to expend this energy, not only to ensure the success of a start-up, but also to overcome the negative perceptions that some community members had of this campus. TCC staff worked hard to alleviate fears that the college would diminish the emphasis on the secondary programs offered at the campus.

The stress from these campus problems affected college morale. Energy spent to alleviate this stress left depleted reserves for learning and supporting the new organizational structure. Employees who were already worried about the Barrymore Arrowhead campus became cynical toward the matrix.

This worry was validated in 1997 when a board vote of 4 to 3 undid the merger. While most of the vo-tech employees remained with the vo-tech center, one manager became the Associate Vice President for the Longview and North Barrymore campuses. The undoing of the merger had a negative impact on how people felt about the matrix. Many believed they had spent an inordinate amount of time and energy toward the success of the Arrowhead campus. As this time and energy apparently had been spent for no good, these constituents did not believe that spending time and energy on the matrix would be any more worthwhile.

At North Barrymore / Longview

The man from the Barrymore vo-tech who stayed on with TCC was promoted to Campus Vice President for both the Longview and the North Barrymore campuses. He also retained college-wide responsibilities for K-16 programs, developmental education, and vocational education. He had one dean who served as both a campus dean and the college-wide dean of Arts, Humanities, and Communications.

The faculty and staff at Longview and North Barrymore really enjoyed working for their campus vice president, considering him an excellent leader. Allowing for people to have a voice in decision-making; he has been described as an inclusive leader who kept no secrets. He focused on teamwork and camaraderie. Community members also liked him and their support for the campuses continued to grow.

Although faculty and staff at North Barrymore and Longview continued to enjoy the challenges of building their programs and services, their resources to do so grew tighter under the matrix. They believed that the "strategic" budgeting process was strategically benefiting Waterford while starving their campuses. While they had some of the same complaints about the matrix that were prevalent on other campuses, they were mainly concerned with their financial situation.

College-Wide

The matrix structure has been consistently referred to as "confusing." While many constituents believed that, in theory, the matrix could work, they found it both puzzling and agitating. Department chairs had more people to report to than they had before the matrix. Deans too were confused about exactly who had responsibility for what. Although splitting responsibilities for curriculum and day-to-day logistics sounded feasible, issues arose that could potentially fall under both domains. Who was responsible for scheduling courses? Was this process a curricular or logistical one? Since deans were confused, faculty and classified staff found it difficult to get answers. Classified staff have confessed that they never really understood which dean was supposed to do what. Instead of reducing the number of people who were in on any given decision-process, the matrix increased this number. Even though decisions were made within functions, instead of within a hierarchical system, deans were not always sure who should have input. Many people were often involved in any given function. Faculty and classified staff complained that this confusion left many issues unaddressed. College employees also had a hard time seeing the results of their work. They were used to implementing things on their own campuses and seeing the impact of these implementations on a day-to-day basis. Now that many of the decisions they were making were affecting the college as a whole, the impacts were less tangible to the participants.

Several theories attempt to explain this unforeseen confusion. Were the deans simply not rising to the level of responsibility inherent in a matrix structure? Were employees simply unable to grasp the concept? Was the structure itself too unfamiliar, not only as an organizational form, but also as a structure found in other segments of life? In addition to these theories, some internal constituents admitted that they intentionally sabotaged the matrix, refusing to work within its structure. These constituents saw the matrix as a fad instituted by the President that would reverse itself in time.

In addition to the confusion, the matrix required more work from almost every college employee. Campus vice presidents believed that "running a campus is hard enough" and found it difficult to manage both site and college-wide responsibilities. They tended to lean on their deans. The span of control that each dean was responsible for was much larger than that with which they were comfortable. Many deans found their responsibilities to be overwhelming. The level of coordination required in making decisions and setting policies was exhausting. Consensus building slowed decision-making. No one was receiving any extra money for this extra work.

The confusion and the hard work were hard to overcome, given the range of emotions that employees were feeling regarding the switch to the matrix structure. Throughout the college, people were feeling reluctance, loss, fear and resentment. While they were reluctant to take on new responsibilities, they were even more reluctant to relinquish old ones. Each campus had been developing its own budget, albeit with what they perceived to be inadequate funds. Now deans not only had to build consensus among divers constituents, but allocate funds using unfamiliar budgeting processes. Campus vice presidents did not have the same budgetary control they had prior to the matrix. They lacked funds for things they were accustomed to funding. Both vice presidents and deans found it difficult to relinquish making decisions that they were used to making. They resented having to tell faculty that the decision would have to be made by someone else, or, more likely, by a team of people.

The matrix was also accompanied by a sense of loss on behalf of faculty, classified staff, and administrators. Under the matrix, administrators did not have time to leisurely stroll the hallways of their campuses, stopping in to say hello to faculty. Faculty missed seeing them. Although conventional wisdom may suggest otherwise, faculty and classified staff admitted that they needed more direction and wanted their deans to be available for them. The deans perceived that the faculty felt undernourished. Deans too missed having a connection with the people their decisions would impact. They felt estranged from both their own staff and from their "new" staff. Since they did not have time to leisurely stroll the hallways of other campuses, most new relationships were task-oriented and superficial.

The move to the matrix also incurred a sense of fear in faculty and administrators. The matrix structure pushed people out of their comfort zones. Faculty and administrators felt fear toward unknown others from distant campuses. Most everyone was expected to work with people they did not know. Many of these unknown others had been attributed with negative characteristics (e.g., incompetence and evil) due to the rabid competition among campuses. Faculty members had grown comfortable working with their "own" deans and wanted it to stay that way. Attending each meeting was like stepping into a cocktail party where half of the guests are complete strangers.

This sense of fear mingled with a sense of resentment. Even worse than having to get to know new people was the fact that these unknown people were supposed to make decisions that impacted others' work. Faculty members were used to walking down the hall to their dean and asking for money or support to start a new program or service. Since their dean knew (and trusted) them, this money or support was typically granted if it was available. Now, faculty members were forced to submit their requests to a much more formal process of decision-making, involving deans from other campuses who did not know them and potentially, did not trust them. Many faculty and staff believed that "outsiders" did not understand the needs of their particular campus.

This resentment of outsiders was accompanied by resentment toward time spent on the highway traveling to and from meetings. Due to the traffic congestion on the highways connecting the campuses, traveling from one campus to another, faculty, deans, and administrators were likely to experience road rage, leading to increased stress levels when they finally did arrive at a meeting. College employees considered the traffic congestion to be unbearable. Technologies to reduce the amount of driving, such as electronic mail and teleconferencing, were still too new to have an impact on the drive time necessary for meetings.

Despite the confusion, the hard work, and the negative emotions surrounding the matrix, as it got underway most faculty, classified staff, and administrators admit that they enjoyed getting to know people on other campuses, once they got over their fear of such. Some felt that strides were made toward college-wide consistency and quality. Even though they had initially resented being forced to coordinate, many employees grew to believe that this coordination had been good for them. It allowed them an opportunity to grow and to understand better the nuances of each campus. It had also been challenging, but rewarding, to work through contentious relationships with their counterparts on other campuses. With this increased understanding of college-wide needs, many administrators also grew to appreciate the opportunity for strategic budgeting. They began to see that perhaps they could move closer to college-wide quality and cost-effectiveness. Employees began to enjoy these challenges.

Others, however, continued to think of the matrix as a waste of time, money, and energy, believing that it could never fully overcome the entrenched competition among campuses. The Langston campus, specifically, continued to blame the Waterford campus for everything that was wrong with the matrix and for perceived resource inequities. People liked having their own campus and their own leaders; their attachments to both were hard to break. In addition, some people still found it difficult to conceptualize "the whole college." Most people lived in the communities surrounding "their" campus--increasing campus loyalty. Everyone at TCC agrees that under the matrix structure, thinking college-wide remained in its second place to campus concerns.

External Pressures - Back to Top

The Blue Ribbon Task Force

By definition, a community college shall intimately know and be active in its community and must respond quickly to changing needs and conditions in the community. Faculty and staff must be focused on the immediate community. 1

Moving to the matrix structure had invoked the ire of many community members in the Langston campus service district. Their reaction to the matrix was to argue more loudly for their own, autonomous campus. Many community leaders believed that the Langston campus had reached sufficient size and maturity to warrant an autonomous, free standing, institution. Garrison had to do something to respond to the pressure he was feeling from these community members. A state board member was also starting to tune in to this local issue. He contacted Garrison and, together, they created a Blue Ribbon Task Force to further investigate the situation in Fullerton.

The Blue Ribbon Task Force commenced its duties in November 1996. The duties of this task force were to assess education and training needs in Langston County and to review the role and mission of; evaluate the effectiveness of; map future directions for; and make recommendations on strategies, delivery systems, and organizational structures of the Langston campus. The 11 members on this task force included the mayor of Fullerton, a bank president, a foundation president, a representative from the local chamber of commerce, a representative from a local university, a local business owner, and three representatives of each of the three local school districts.

Over a period of eight months the Task Force debated the future of the Langston campus. Much of their research relied on focus groups comprised of business, industry, and other community constituents. Focus groups were also conducted with employees at the Langston campus. Many of the classified staff did not understand who this group was or what they were trying to accomplish. Nonetheless, most of the Langston employees complained about their lack of resources and concomitant lack of autonomy. During this process, people at Langston openly blamed specific individuals at Waterford for their problems. The Task Force did not white wash their report. Word quickly spread that people at Langston did not like specific people at Waterford. These named and blamed individuals at Waterford became hurt and angry. Many of them directed this anger toward Edward Remington. These tensions acted as a further setback to the move toward a matrix-based, high performance organization.

It was obvious to the Task Force members that morale was deteriorating on the Langston campus. Nonetheless, they concluded that the college had been "effective in serving County citizens in both secondary and post-secondary programs." Task Force members were impressed that despite low morale, Langston staff had continued to serve students and community members fairly well.

However, they concluded that it was time to abandon the matrix. There was total Task Force agreement that the matrix approach "is not effective now and is not in the best long term interests of Langston County." They found the matrix to be cumbersome, not well understood, difficult, and time consuming. Perhaps the worst sin of all was that the matrix did not provide enough empowerment to the individual campuses. Task Force members repeated the mantra that Langston was not like the nearby cities. From their focus group research, they concluded that no one had adequate time to promote, market, and listen to the business, industry, and educational leaders in the county and to adopt and customize services to the communities in the county. Not only was the budget process perceived by the Task Force as unfair, but they also blamed the matrix management orientation for moving college responsiveness and decisions for the county too far from its customer base. Task Force members argued for the CEO of Langston to be provided with greater budgetary and decision-making authority.

The Task Force came up with two final recommendations. They suggested either more autonomy within the Transformation Community College "system" or turning the Langston campus into an autonomous college. The former option would mean abandoning the matrix. The Task Force presented these two recommendations without favoring either of them (Appendix B1 contains the complete executive summary).

Self-Study for the Regional Accrediting Association of Colleges and Schools

In 1996, TCC staff began to prepare for their 1998 self-study visit from the regional accrediting association. One of the earliest tasks of the self-study committee was to survey TCC employees. The results of these surveys made it clear that there was an unsettled environment at TCC. Many employees reported feeling isolated and powerless. They complained of the ongoing "us vs. them" mentality among campuses. In terms of the matrix structure, "in various self-study activities, employees from all constituent groups expressed skepticism about the…reorganization, believing it had caused communication, integrity, and effectiveness problems." Employees complained that approval processes were cumbersome and often delayed, and that management layers required extra communication to resolve routine issues. Supervisors were farther removed and harder to reach and employees were uncertain about how best to communicate with whom, in various situations. Garrison was apprised of these findings and did not want to present a picture of skepticism and confusion to the accreditation self-study team during their 1998 visit.

The Matrix Is Amended - Back to Top

By mid 1997, Garrison realized that the general consensus was that the matrix was not working. He even admitted to himself that the matrix had led to problems in community responsiveness. After discussions with his cabinet, Garrison distributed a memo on October 21, 1997, detailing the scaling back of the matrix. Although there had been high hopes for the success of the matrix, even most cabinet members were relieved when it was amended.

One of the main features of this amending was a change in the budgeting process. The college would request money from the state based on campus enrollment projections. When the state delivered the budget, money for college-wide initiatives would be subtracted and a simple enrollment-based formula, created by a faculty committee, would be used to distribute the remaining money to the campuses. Any mid-year enrollment growths or reductions would be borne by the campus that incurred the change in enrollment.

The structure that emerged post-matrix was described as both "semi-functional" and "classical" (Appendix B3 presents the 1999 organizational chart). The Langston, Waterford, and North Barrymore/Longview campuses were each given their own campus vice president who had no college-wide responsibilities, other than sitting on the President's cabinet and attending state-wide meetings. Deans reported to their campus VP and went back to managing both the logistical and instructional needs for only their campus. Department chairs reverted to reporting to one dean.

Several positions and responsibilities remained college-wide ones. The Vice President for Finance's office remained a college-wide function, as did Human Resources, Facilities Management, Accounting, Information Technology, Institutional Research, Workforce Development, the College Foundation, and Financial Aid. Several college-wide committees were created, including ones for professional development and strategic planning. Policy development continued as a college-wide function, with the acknowledgement that the practices in implementing these policies could vary by campus. To encourage consistency in practices, the college-wide professional development committee decided to create case studies to be used in training sessions with the goal of creating consistent college-wide responses to various issues. Instructional, student services, and administrative deans and directors were to meet two to three times each month in respective group councils for the promotion of collaboration and cooperation in key areas. Faculty members continue to work with part-time faculty at other campuses, and all faculty members meet together once or twice a year at the college's in-service programs.

The scaling back of the matrix was not heralded by dazzling announcements. Neither was there any difficulty for employees to make the change. According to most of them, things got "back to normal" in no time. Garrison, however, was disappointed. Some shared his belief that there had not been enough time for the matrix to prove itself. Many others, even as they were relieved by the scaling back, were sad to have to also scale back on the time they spent working with their counterparts on other campuses. There was a feeling across the college that people had just begun to understand the matrix, how to work under it, and the benefits it could bring to the college. Those who felt sadness or regret blamed the demise of the matrix on the Langston campus and believed that the new structure had been sacrificed as a compromise to Langston in exchange for hope for autonomy. The "us vs. them" college-wide mentality continued. The sense of the whole college, developed by some, was not realized by most.

Continuing Issues - Back to Top

At Waterford

The Waterford campus is suffering under the new budgeting process. Enrollment is growing slower here than on the other campuses (see Appendix B2) while the aging buildings, people, and programs are more expensive than they are on the other campuses. Most new money that comes into the college each year goes to Langston, Longview, and North Barrymore. Waterford constituents are concerned about funding for their programs and are frustrated by a campus budget process they perceive as being closed and secretive.

At Langston

When Garrison decided to scale back on the matrix structure, rather than allow the Langston campus to become autonomous, Edward Remington chose to leave. Garrison was very careful in choosing a successor, extensively screening candidates for the new Langston Campus Vice President position. Although the new VP they eventually hired had previously served as a department chair and a vice president of academic affairs, his most recent duties had been as a faculty member.

The feeling of "family" has returned to the Langston campus. While the drive to become autonomous is still alive, it is much less powerful. Having their own budget has placated most Langston campus staff. The campus is rich, due to its increasing enrollments and lean staffing. However, some Langston constituents still argue that becoming independent would be better for their campus and for the college as a whole. Although day-to-day work has reverted to its campus focus, there are still activities, such as coordinating policy formation college-wide, that are exhausting. In addition, there are still decisions that Langston staff must get input on from other campus leaders. This red tape slows down decision processes. Deans, faculty and classified staff at Langston are waiting to see whether their new VP will decide to push for autonomy. There are still several community members pulling for this push.

At Longview/North Barrymore

The Longview and North Barrymore campuses are also rich in resources. Enrollments are growing and staffing costs are still fairly low. With the new money coming into these campuses, they have been able to hire both new faculty and new staff for advising, counseling, tutoring, registering, job placement, computer lab support, and financial aid. At Longview, one computer lab has grown to five computer labs and their size has gone from 15,000 to 30,000 square feet. The communities surrounding these two campuses continue to grow. Land has been set aside for a new campus in Barrymore and a TCC center is planned at the local university.

These campuses also exude a "family" feeling; employees brag about their "great culture." Money is prevalent and the budgeting process is participatory. When Longview employees finally were able to decide how to spend their own money, faculty agreed that money needed first to be spent on improving the campus' student services. Infighting for funds is relatively rare on these campuses.

College-Wide

A sense of the college as a whole is still fuzzy and ill-defined. College employees and community members feel a natural affiliation for their own campus. When the TCC foundation holds fund-raisers, community members insist that the money they give go to the campus in their community.

Fundraising is extremely important as, without the matrix structure, the college no longer benefits from extensive economies of scale. "Duplicative" staff have had to be hired on each campus. Strategic budgeting is also non-existent. Even if there are obvious inequities between, for example, resources at Langston and resources at Waterford, there is no mechanism to resolve these inequities. Langston and Barrymore campus constituents believe that they should, rightfully, receive funding based on their enrollment numbers. These constituents do not understand how a lack of resources at Waterford could possibly hurt them.

Externally mandated activities are putting stress on the campus-oriented structure at TCC. Both the state and the regional accrediting association have expectations for student assessment. Who has the authority at TCC to ensure that the entire college is engaged in assessing students? When college-wide initiatives like student assessment are tackled, it takes time and energy to figure out what percentage each campus will pay toward the initiative. Even without external mandates, consistent policies and practices would be important. If a student appeals a decision on one campus and loses, while another student appeals a similar case on another campus and wins, the college could easily face a lawsuit.

After nine years as President, Garrison has had to admit that, even with all the organizational changes, TCC is still facing some of the problems it faced in 1991. One of these problems is not knowing when and how deeply to become entrenched in new programmatic areas. As high-technology firms continue to move into TCC's service area, the college becomes tempted to offer new programs in such areas as photonics. How much money should they put into developing a program whose technological requirements could change from week to week? How can the college partner with local industry to help them with their training needs? Questions like these are not unique to TCC, but are still important as Garrison continues his quest for the high performance community college.

Future Directions - Back to Top

We recognize the resiliency of the faculty and staff in the face of the transformational changes occurring during the last five years. 2

As TCC turns 32 years old and retirement parties are thrown every week, peoples' thoughts naturally turn to their own legacies. Garrison, reflecting on his tenure at TCC and thinking about the college's future, wants to ensure that he leads the college to a place of prominence and that, when he does leave, the college will be running smoothly. While in the past nine years college staff have strengthened their programs, hired energetic new faculty, and improved workforce development, there are more decisions to make and more actions to take.

Garrison now commands the largest community college in the state. Would he rather be remembered for launching a new Langston College? Would such a launching benefit TCC? It would certainly lead to more statewide competition for community college funding. Should he instead give the matrix another try? After all, he has some new staff to work with and email and teleconferencing are much more prevalent communication tools. But would he run into the same issues regarding community responsiveness? How much more change can TCC constituents accept? Garrison and his staff often revisit these questions in their continuing quest for a high performance community college.

Back to Top


1 Report and Recommendations of the Blue Ribbon Task Force on the Future of Transformation Community College - Langston County Campus, June 1997.

2. Report of a Visit to Transformation Community College, April 13-15, 1998, for the Commission on Institutions of Higher Education of the Regional Accrediting Association of Colleges and Schools

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Reference Links:

Managing Change and Transformation in Higher Education...Institutions...M. W. Peterson...CSHPE...School of Education

Higher Education Transformation Work Group
Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education
2117 School of Education
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-1259