What is Kerry's plan for dealing with Iraq?
Kerry's
comments on how to deal with the catastrophe in Iraq focus on things that
need to be done now, rather than plans for January — rightly so,
since he doesn't know what he'll find in January. He calls for a change
of course based on the same points he's been stressing for the last two
years: The go-it-alone policy needs to be scrapped. We need to “get the
target off the backs” of our young men and women in uniform, and to do
this, the U.S. needs to make a realistic effort to bring
in assistance from Iraq’s neighbors and our European allies. At the same
time, we need to do a serious and competent job of training
Iraqi security forces and involving Iraqis in the rebuilding effort.
In a speech at New York University on September 20th, he called on President
Bush to take action in four areas:
1. Get help from our allies. "First, the President has
to get the promised international support so our men and women in uniform
don’t have to go it alone. It is late; the President must respond
by moving this week to gain and regain international support."
- Get the promised international support so our men and women in uniform
don’t go it alone.
- Of the $13 billion pledged to Iraq by other countries, only $1.2 billion
has been delivered. President Bush must insist that they make good on
that U.N. resolution.
- Give other countries a stake in Iraq’s future by encouraging them
to help develop Iraq’s oil resources and by letting them bid on contracts
instead of locking them out of the reconstruction process.
2. Get serious about training Iraqi security forces.
"Last February, Secretary Rumsfeld claimed that more than 210,000 Iraqis
were in uniform, but just 5,000 Iraqi soldiers have been fully trained,
by the administration’s own minimal standards."
- Recruit thousands of qualified trainers from our allies
- Given the difficulties of training security forces in Iraq, where
they are subject to attack, we should press our NATO allies to open
training centers for Iraqi security forces in their countries.
- Stop misleading the American people with phony, inflated numbers.
3. Get the reconstruction focused on bringing tangible benefits
and hope to the Iraqi people. "One year ago, the administration
asked for and received $18 billion to relieve the conditions that contribute
to the insurgency. Today, less than $1 billion of those funds have actually
been spent."
- Produce a list of high visibility, quick impact projects that cut
through the red tape
- Use more Iraqi contractors and workers, instead of big corporations
like Halliburton.
- Fire the civilians in the Pentagon responsible for mismanaging the
reconstruction effort.
4. Take immediate steps to guarantee the promised elections can
be held next year. "Credible elections are key to producing an
Iraqi government that enjoys the support of the Iraqi people."
- Recruit troops from our friends and allies for a U.N. protection force
- Intensify the training of Iraqis to manage and guard the polling places.
After many months of prodding, President Bush has made some efforts to
get help from our allies, with scant success. Nevertheless, Kerry has
called on him to renew his efforts to repair the diplomatic bridges he
burned and immediately take the steps listed above. President Bush may
well have difficulty carrying out this plan, however, for two reasons:
1. President Bush has pursued a policy of staffing the reconstruction
effort with civilians who have no experience or knowledge in managing
a project of this kind. The people in charge of the crucial project
of rebuilding Iraq were chosen solely on the basis of their loyalty to
the Republican Party and/or the Bush administration, while people with
actual knowledge and experience were dismissed for lacking the proper
Party credentials. (Sources: "Who's
Who: Special Baghdad Edition", "To
the Cronies Go the Spoils", "Doing
Well in Iraq") Kerry has called on him to replace the incompetent
personnel in Iraq with people who have the necessary skills to get the
job done.
2. President Bush has personally lost credibility with our allies.
World opinion on Mr. Bush's arrogant treatment of other world leaders
was perhaps best reflected by their response to his UN address on September
20, 2004. The audience applauded exactly once: when he finished speaking.
It will take a new president with renewed credibility to do the hard work
of restoring our allies' trust in the United States and persuading them
to work together with us to restore order in Iraq.
"Some countries would want a more low-risk situation, but they could
patrol borders, help do training of police and security forces, help
with reconstruction, help with election monitoring. There's a job for
everyone. I travel the world [ …] and I can tell you that I've had many,
many people in other countries tell me that there is no chance
of them contributing anything without a change in US leadership, because
they simply don't trust that they will be listened to, that
they will be involved, that they will be engaged, that they will have
any part of the reconstruction under the current administration.
So it is not to say the task will be easy for John Kerry — the
task will not be easy — but it certainly will give us a shot at
internationalizing this." — Wendy Sherman, Foreign policy adviser
for the Kerry campaign, C-SPAN September 21, 2004
For the longer term, Kerry has proposed the following strategy:
Several months after Kerry made these proposals, President Bush has begun
trying to follow some of Kerry's recommendations, with little to show
for his efforts so far. It will require an administration which our allies
can trust, and a serious effort in diplomacy, to get more assistance in
Iraq.
"We have to move our allies beyond the resentment they feel about the
Bush administration's failed diplomacy so they can focus on their interest
in fighting terrorism and promoting peace. The best way to do that is
to vest friends and allies in Iraq's future. On the economic front,
that means giving them fair access to the multibillion-dollar reconstruction
contracts. It also means letting them be a part of putting Iraq's profitable
oil industry back together. In return, they must forgive Hussein's multibillion-dollar
debts to their countries and pay their fair share of the reconstruction
bill.
"We should also give them a leadership role in pursuing our wider strategic
goals in the region. As partners, we should convene a regional conference
with Iraq's neighbors. Such a conference would have two goals. First,
it should secure a pledge from Iraq's neighbors to respect Iraq's borders
and not to interfere in its internal affairs. And second, it should
commit Iraq's leaders to provide clear protection for minorities, thus
removing a major justification for possible outside intervention. Together,
we should jump-start large-scale involvement with an international high
commissioner to coordinate economic assistance and organize and implement
these diplomatic initiatives.
"Then, having taken these dramatic steps, we could realistically call
on NATO to step up to its responsibilities. Our goal should be an alliance
commitment to deploy a major portion of the peacekeeping force that
will be needed in Iraq for a long time to come. Just as NATO came together
to contain the Soviet Union and bring peace to Bosnia and Kosovo, with
the right kind of leadership from us NATO can be mobilized to help stabilize
Iraq and the region. And if NATO comes, others will too." — John Kerry,
A Realistic Path in Iraq, July 4, 2004
The New York Times commented on the feasability of this plan:
"For months, Mr. Kerry has advocated broader international oversight
of Iraq's prospective interim government, a formula that might open
the door to additional peacekeeping contributions and generate some
real support for nation-building there. Now he has begun to elaborate
on how that oversight should be structured, drawing sensible lessons
from successes and failures of the recent past.
"Mr. Kerry recognizes that the United Nations cannot offer any magic
bullet solutions for Iraq, and that working with Secretary General Kofi
Annan and his special representative, Lakhdar Brahimi, cannot be a substitute
for broad cooperation with all the major powers represented in the Security
Council. To this end, while endorsing Mr. Brahimi's efforts to put together
a transitional Iraqi government, Mr. Kerry also proposes designating
an international high commissioner for Iraq whose office would be outside
the barelyfunctional, patronage-driven U.N. personnel system. That would
permit the recruitment of a capable staff and create some safeguards
against the kind of wholesale corruption that is alleged to have vitiated
the U.N.'s oil-for-food program in Iraq.
"This feature of the Kerry proposal draws on the pattern of international
oversight in Bosnia. While far from perfect, Bosnia's transition has
worked out a lot better than Iraq's and elicited far wider international
cooperation. Mr. Kerry also invokes the Bosnia example when he suggests
that the NATO alliance be directly involved in Iraqi peacekeeping operations.
That could help make NATO more relevant to the post-cold-war world and
would ease the burden on America's badly strained military. An American
commander would still be in overall charge of security." — from New
York Times editorial May 6, 2004
Of course, the longer President Bush delays in making realistic efforts
to repair our alliances and address the myriad problems in the reconstruction
effort, the more difficult it will be to implement any plan now on the
table. Mr. Kerry cannot know what the situation will be in late January,
and so he may have to modify his proposals. In the meantime, he has called
on President Bush to take steps immediately to address the situation.
Links
- John
Kerry's speech at New York University - September 20, 2004
- We
have a Better Plan by John Edwards
- Winning the Peace in Iraq by John Kerry
- A Realistic Path in Iraq by John Kerry, July 4, 2004
- Kerry Was Right, Washington Post, April 14, 2004
- Why Kerry Is Right On Iraq (offsite link at MSNBC.com)
- Another Vision of Iraq, New York Times Editorial Desk,
May 6, 2004
- A Real Difference, John Edwards speech 08/30/04
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