PHYSICIAN-ASSISTED SUICIDE AND THE LAW I. Washington v. Glucksberg and Vacco v. Quill deal explicitly with whether state laws that prohibit physician-assisted suicide (PAS) violate the Constitution, specifically, with whether there is implicit in the (Fourteenth Amendment’s) Due Process Clause’s protection of liberty, a “right to die.” Dworkin et al, argue that there is. The Court held that there is not. N.B. This is not exactly the same issue as the general moral question of whether the law should prohibit PAS. State laws permitting PAS are compatible with the Court’s findings in these cases. A. Oregon’s law. B. But note the bill currently before the Congress and recently passed by the House. II. Also, the following are different questions: A. Is PAS morally justifiable? B. Is a law permitting PAS morally justifiable? C. Note that you could answer A, yes, and B, no, and vice versa. III. Still, the Constitution is a moral document, so whether the Constitution includes rights that are inconsistent with law prohibiting PAS is relevant to whether a law permitting PAS can be morally justified. IV. Dworkin, et al, argue that a right not to have the government interfere with PAS is implicit in the Constitution. Their argument: A. “Certain decisions are momentous in their impact on the character of a person’s life—decisions about religious faith, political and moral allegiance, marriage, procreation, and death, for example.” B. “Such deeply personal decisions pose controversial questions about how and why human life has value.” C. “In a free society, individuals must be allowed to make those decisions for themselves, out of their own faith, conscience, and convictions.” [“no official . . . can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein.” West Va. v. Barnette, 1943) D. Specifically, “a person’s interest in following his own convictions at the end of his life is so central a part of the more general right to make ‘intimate and personal choices for himself that a failure to protect that particular interest would undermine the general right altogether.” E. Therefore, “just as it would be intolerable for government to dictate that doctors never be permitted to try to keep someone alive as long as possible, when that is what the patient wishes, so it is intolerable for government to dictate that doctors never, under any circumstances, help someone to die who believe that further life means only degradation.” V. What is “doing the work” in this argument? 1. “Deeply personal decisions” that involve “controversial questions about how and why human life has value” on which a free society can impose no orthodoxy, must be left to individuals to make freely. 2. How to end one’s life is such a “deeply personal decision.” 3. Therefore, individuals must have the liberty to make these decisions as they will. 4. A law prohibiting PAS would violate this liberty, and would therefore be wrong. VI. This is a powerful argument. How does the Court avoid its conclusion? A. Argues that any right to personal liberty implicit in the Due Process Clause to the Fourteenth Amendment can’t include a “right to die” since common law and long state legislative tradition has included, not only the legal prohibition of PAS, but also laws against suicide. B. Argues that the Court recognized only a specific right of liberty in Cruzan, namely against forced medication. This follows from the common law doctrine that forced medication was a battery. Since common law does not permit any suicide, much less PAS, the Court can be interpreted as not having asserted any right of personal liberty or autonomy as general as is claimed. C. There is a morally relevant distinction between PAS and withdrawing life- sustaining treatment. 1. The former aims at and directly causes an individual’s death 2. The latter only has death as a foreseeable side effect and allows some other illness, etc., to cause death. D. Whatever right of liberty individuals hold must be balanced against various state interests, including: 1. As Cruzan claims the “unqualified interest in the preservation of human life” (which has nothing to do with “quality of life”) 2. The protection of individuals from undue influence to undertake PAS (e.g., Kevorkian)—[general phenomenon, not every removal of restriction is a gain in freedom or “self-command”—Thomas Schelling] 3. Even though the state would not itself be making judgments about quality of life, by official condoning the ending of life on such a basis, it would be encouraging a situation in which the lives of severely disabled and the terminally ill would inevitably be devalued, leading at least to “prejudice, negative and inaccurate stereotypes, and ‘societal indifference,’ and perhaps, to their lives being sacrified. VII. How might Dworkin, et al, respond to these objections? A. They respond to C at p. 465. Is this a good response? B. They respond to D,2 at pp. 466f. Is this a good response?